President Obama begins his final drive for healthcare reform tonight with a nationally televised prime-time address to a joint session of Congress. His speech comes after an explosive August recess consumed by raucous town halls and talk of government-run “death panels.” We take a look at California’s “real death panels.” That’s what the nation’s largest nurses group is calling private insurers, as new data reveals they denied one of every five claims over the past seven years. We speak with Charles Idelson of the California Nurses Association/National Nurses Organizing Committee.
Guest:
Charles Idelson, Communications Director for the California Nurses Association/National Nurses Organizing Committe
AMY GOODMAN: President Obama begins his
final drive
for healthcare reform tonight with a prime-time, nationally televised
address to a joint session of Congress.
Heavy negotiations are underway on Capitol Hill as lawmakers
return from August recess. So far, legislation has been approved by
three House committees and another in the Senate without any Republican
support. Negotiations continue in the Senate Finance Committee, where
Chairman Max Baucus of Montana is pressing for a bipartisan deal with
his so-called “Gang of Six” senators.
Speculation remains over whether the President will insist on
a
“public option,” a government-backed insurance plan
that would compete
with the private sector. Obama met with Democratic congressional
leaders Nancy Pelosi and Harry Reid at the White House yesterday to
discuss strategy on the legislation. Speaking to reporters afterwards,
House Majority Leader Pelosi said, for now, a public option is a key
component to legislation passing in the House.
REP. NANCY PELOSI: On the public option, I believe that a public option will be essential to our passing a bill in the House of Representatives, because, as the President has said—and I listened to him very carefully—he believes that the public option is the best way to keep the insurance companies honest and to increase competition in order to lower cost, improve quality, retain choice—if you like what you have, you can keep it—and expand coverage in a fiscally sound way, that it saves money. And that’s why—but, he said, if you have a better idea, put it on the table. And so, if somebody has a better idea of how to do that, put it on the table. For the moment, however, as far as our House members are concerned, the overwhelming majority of them support a public option.
AMY GOODMAN: The insurance industry has
spent millions of
dollars lobbying against the public option, and it’s unclear
if a bill
that includes it could pass in the Senate. A possible compromise would
be a provision that would “trigger” a public option
only if private
insurers are deemed to have not provided suitable care. Another
proposal would leave the public option out altogether and replace it
with a system of nonprofit cooperatives.
Many are looking to President Obama’s speech tonight
for
answers. His address comes after an August recess consumed by raucous
town halls and talk of government-run “death
panels.”
Well, the California Nurses Association/National Nurses
Organizing Committee has just released new data that reveals more than
one of every five requests for medical claims for insured patients,
even when recommended by a patient’s physician, are rejected
by
California’s largest private insurers. The group says this
amounts to
very real death panels in practice daily in the nation’s
biggest state.
The California Nurses Association/National Nurses Organizing
Committee represents 86,000 registered nurses in all fifty states.
Chuck Idelson is the communications director for the group. He joins me
here in San Francisco from the studios of Link TV.
Welcome to Democracy Now!, Chuck.
CHARLES IDELSON: Good morning.
AMY GOODMAN: Talk about this data that
you’ve just released.
CHARLES IDELSON: Well, this is data that
the insurance
companies have always wanted to hide, and it’s just now
become
available. It documents that the insurance companies have denied, in
California alone, 45 million claims since 2002, and in the first half
of this year alone, their rates continue to skyrocket. Some of these
rates ranged as high as 40 percent for UnitedHealthcare’s
PacifiCare.
And other large, giant insurers like Blue Cross, Health Net, CIGNA,
Kaiser were all in the range of 30 percent. So it shows a clear pattern
of very high denials by the very insurance companies that people depend
upon to assure that they get care they need when they need it.
AMY GOODMAN: Wait. I want to go through
these figures
again of the denial rates, of—let’s start with
PacifiCare, which is
here in California.
CHARLES IDELSON: PacifiCare is a
subsidiary of
UnitedHealthcare, one of the biggest insurance companies in the United
States. Its denial rates are 39 or 40 percent, 39.6 percent.
AMY GOODMAN: Almost 40 percent.
CHARLES IDELSON: First half of this year,
almost 40
percent. And then you have CIGNA, which is one-third of all claims, 33
percent. You have Health Net, 30 percent; Kaiser Permanente, 28
percent; and Blue Cross, 28 percent. So those are four of the biggest
insurance companies in California. And it’s clear that a
substantial
percentage of their—of the claims that are submitted to them
are
rejected.
AMY GOODMAN: What do you feel needs to be
done about this?
CHARLES IDELSON: Well, there’s
been a lot of discussion
about the public option in the healthcare reform debate. Our concern is
that the problem is not the public option; it’s the private
option. The
insurance companies aren’t in business to provide care;
they’re in
business to make profits for their shareholders. One of the ways in
which they make profits, the main way they make profits, is by
collecting money from patients and from families and not paying money
back in claims. They call it a medical loss ratio, every time they make
a payment on a claim. So they’re in business to do that. They
have
warehouses full of bean counters and claims adjusters, whose sole
purpose is to find reasons to not make payments.
And there are a variety of reasons they claim why they make
these denials, having to do with—whether it’s
paperwork, a war that
goes on between the insurance companies and the doctors and the
hospitals. They also say that some of the denials are because patients
were seeking treatment for care that was not covered by the plan or
that they were not eligible for or that were duplicate or were
experimental or investigational. What’s been very interesting
is that
they’ve come up with a variety of reasons; the only
they’ve left out is
“the dog ate my homework.” But the issue is serious
enough that the
Attorney General of California, Jerry Brown, has announced
he’s going
to conduct an investigation into the business practices of these
companies and why these denial rates are so high.
But it’s extremely important that this data has
finally come to
light, because it reflects one of the key issues that has not been
discussed in the national healthcare debate, which is the denial of
care by the insurance companies, which is so fundamental to the basic
problem with the collapse of our healthcare system in this country. And
one of the great tragedies is that issue has not come up in the
national healthcare debate, that those practices by the insurance
companies go unchecked, that there’s nothing in the national
legislation that would change this behavior. And that’s why
so many
organizations like ours have been advocates of a Medicare for All,
single-payer healthcare reform that would take these private insurance
companies out of the business of denying care and gouging people for
payments.
AMY GOODMAN: I’m looking at a
piece in the Los Angeles Times,
and it quotes Nicole Kasabian Evans, a spokeswoman for the California
Association of Health Plans, responding to the data that
you’ve
released, saying, “It appears [that] a good deal of the
so-called
denials are merely paperwork issues,” she said.
CHARLES IDELSON: Right. If you put the
best face on their
claims—and some of the other insurers also said that people
were
seeking payments for claims that—for coverage that they did
not have or
for experimental coverage. We don’t exactly know all the
reasons that
they’re citing for the denials, and that’s one of
the reasons the
Attorney General is conducting an investigation. But even if you put
the best face on their claims, what it demonstrates is how much waste
there is in the insurance industry and administrative overhead here.
One-third of every healthcare dollar goes to waste and to claims
denials.
AMY GOODMAN: I’m also joined on
the telephone by Hilda
Sarkisyan. Two years ago, CIGNA denied her seventeen-year-old daughter
Nataline’s claim for a liver transplant. Amidst mounting
public
pressure, CIGNA eventually reversed its position, but by then it was
too late and Nataline died. Hilda Sarkisyan joins us now from Los
Angeles.
We welcome you to Democracy Now!, Hilda.
HILDA SARKISYAN: Thank you. Good morning.
AMY GOODMAN: It’s good to have
you with us. You’re dealing with your own health crisis right
now, is that right? Your back.
HILDA SARKISYAN: Yes, ma’am.
Yes, we are.
AMY GOODMAN: What’s happening?
HILDA SARKISYAN: Well, we miss her. We
don’t have our
beautiful daughter with us anymore. And CIGNA is doing this every day,
every day. And that’s why I’m out there to help
other families to stop
them. It’s not only CIGNA; it’s all the insurance
industry, that they
are placing profit before patient, and it’s not right. And
they are
enforcing the care of people, not their—you know, they should
not
enforce the care of the people to their deep pockets. It’s
all about
their pocket, all about the CEO, how much he makes. I miss my daughter.
I had a beautiful, perfect daughter. I don’t have her
anymore. I don’t.
AMY GOODMAN: Hilda, describe what happened
to your daughter.
HILDA SARKISYAN: Well, we had insurance.
We were covered.
We thought we had insurance. So it’s like having insurance
and not
having insurance is the same thing. People who have insurance and
don’t
have it, they get the same care. But having insurance and knowing that
you do have it, and you are recommended to a certain hospital, because
the insurance company only pays if you go to that hospital, you go to
that hospital, which in our case was UCLA. We were transferred there.
By the way, that’s our fourth hospital within, I would say,
three
years, because they were jumping us around. And finally, you go there.
My son gave her the perfect bone marrow transplant, perfect match. And
my daughter needed a liver transplant. And so many requests, so many
requests, and they were—the doctors were denied. We were
denied, until
the California Nurses Association stepped in, helped us out.
We had to get out and go to their headquarters in Glendale,
make
a scene with our family, the Armenian Youth Federation, our church. Why
do we have to do that? I’m a mother who should have been next
to my
daughter. Only if I knew she was going to die that same day, you think
I would have that energy to go out there and do that? I could have been
holding my daughter’s hand and praying with her. This is not
right.
We need a better change in this country, and I’m
willing to help
the President to do that. And I just want to meet him. That’s
all I
want to do. I want to meet him. I want him to feel how it feels not to
have a daughter. He has two girls; he should know.
AMY GOODMAN: What would you tell him?
HILDA SARKISYAN: We need to do a better
change. And
there’s a lot of things that I want to tell him, a lot of
things,
one-on-one, face-to-face, because if we don’t stop this now,
every
family is going to have my story in their family, in every household.
AMY GOODMAN: Hilda, we recently spoke to
Wendell Potter, a name that may be very familiar to you—
HILDA SARKISYAN: Yes, yes, yes.
AMY GOODMAN: —the former head of
corporate communications for CIGNA.
HILDA SARKISYAN: Yes, mm-hmm.
AMY GOODMAN: He was the spokesperson for
the company when Nataline died.
HILDA SARKISYAN: Mm-hmm.
AMY GOODMAN: This is some of what Wendell
Potter had to say.
WENDELL POTTER: Even though I was having
to represent
the company, and again was being as truthful as I could, I all the time
was just thinking about the family and the grief that they were going
through and the way their—you know, they were briefly
optimistic that
the decision to cover the procedure might save her life, and then so
quickly for that hope to be dashed was just devastating for them, I
know, and it was just crushing for me and a lot of people that I worked
with at CIGNA, too. I want to make sure that that’s
understood, that
it, you know—I was so disappointed, and I was hopeful, too,
that this
might be something that actually would save her life. It was just a
dreadful, dreadful experience for everyone concerned; there were no
winners in that at all.
And certainly, from a public relations point of view, CIGNA really suffered a black eye. And I, as the spokesman for the company—there were two people who really spoke for the company during this time. It was me and the chief medical officer. And I was—my name was on the website, and my contact information was on the website, CIGNA’s website, and so people were venting their frustration. I received—I can’t tell you how many emails, how many voicemail messages and calls from people who were just outraged. And it was a very difficult—very, very difficult thing to go through.
AMY GOODMAN: Wendell Potter was the
corporate spokesperson
for CIGNA when Nataline died, after she had been denied coverage for a
liver transplant. Ultimately, in the last hours, the decision came
down. It was reversed, but she died at the age of seventeen. Hilda,
your response to Wendell Potter, who said it’s one of the
reasons he
ultimately left CIGNA?
HILDA SARKISYAN: Yes, I know. I heard
that. And you know
what? What happened was, I heard this. It was the day of my
daughter’s
birthday, July 10, and he was out, and that same day we were hosting an
annual fashion show when I heard this, and it was just incredible that
everything had to happen on her birthday. I mean, there was a reason
for all this. And the annual fashion show, I was so strong. I had
spokespeople there, and I had—was interviewed. I was much
stronger,
because I know I’m going to make a change in this country,
under my
daughter’s name.
AMY GOODMAN: You, yourself, are dealing
with a health crisis now, Hilda. You have a back problem?
HILDA SARKISYAN: Yeah, I just had surgery
twelve days ago.
AMY GOODMAN: And how are—
HILDA SARKISYAN: It was an emergency
surgery. Let’s see how that insurance company is going to
react now.
AMY GOODMAN: And what did they tell you
when you came in?
HILDA SARKISYAN: Oh, I just went to the
emergency room.
The ambulance came and took me. And when they came to have me sign off
on a thing on the insurance, and I just told them, “Make sure
they
don’t mess with you.” I said, “Just make
sure you tell them who is the
emergency room right now.” And I had surgery right away. I
didn’t even
know I was going to have surgery. So, yeah, I don’t have a
bill yet.
We’ll see how that’s going to work.
AMY GOODMAN: Chuck Idelson, your response?
CHARLES IDELSON: Well, it’s
interesting that Blue Cross,
a different insurer, says that what they call experimental cases are
one of the reasons for denials. So that’s an example of what
Hilda is
talking about here.
One of the great tragedies here, of course, is that CIGNA
reversed itself in the case of Nataline, but they only reversed
themselves after massive national public protest. If they were able to
reverse themselves at the end of this process, why couldn’t
they have
approved the liver transplant in the beginning? And that’s
part—that’s
part of the problem with our insurance-based healthcare system, is it
shouldn’t take public protest to force the insurance company
to do the
right thing, to do what they should have done in the first place. Yet
that’s the reality of what so many families deal with on a
daily basis
in this country, is insurance companies that deny care.
AMY GOODMAN: Chuck Idelson,
you’re going to the offices of Dianne Feinstein and her home?
CHARLES IDELSON: We are. We’re
doing that today. That has
to do with trying to make sure that working people have more of a voice
in this country, when they want to be able, in the case of registered
nurses, to advocate for patients with public protection of collective
representation. So that has to do with the Employee Free Choice Act and
that we’re trying to request that Senator Feinstein become a
co-sponsor
of the Employee Free Choice Act, because that’s a critical
issue to the
future of raising living standards and rights for working people in the
United States.
AMY GOODMAN: And you are
the—we’re in San Francisco now,
the home of Nancy Pelosi. Your evaluation of her, as she meets with
President Obama? He, about to address a joint session of Congress,
whether the public option is going to happen?
CHARLES IDELSON: Well, the public option
is, at best,
light reform. That’s one of the concerns we have. The problem
is, as we
say, the private option, not the public option. The public option, if
it were given the full strength of a large risk pool, enough people
were able to participate in it, the government had the ability to
negotiate prices, which they’re—seem to be
bargaining away, might be
one of the ways to keep the insurance companies honest. But you
can’t
really keep the insurance companies honest, because that’s
not what
they’re in business to do. They’re in business to
make money. We’re the
only industrial country that ties healthcare to private profit.
So, even under best case scenario, the public option would be
in
great danger from being—from still seeing patients
cherry-picked by the
private insurers and having the sickest patients in this country dumped
on them and be threatened with bankruptcy. So, unless you had enough
regulatory protections for a public option, it would be in danger of
being outmaneuvered and being bankrupted by the private insurers in the
first place.
One of the things that’s also happening this month
is that the
House is scheduled to have a full vote on on the idea of Medicare for
all. There’s also an amendment within the House bill to
provide—that
allows states to provide for—remove legal impediments so the
states
could enact single-payer laws, in addition to—as part of the
national
healthcare reform. Those are issues that we hope your listeners and
viewers will support, urge their legislators to support Medicare for
All, because that is the only reform that will actually solve our
healthcare crisis once and for all.
AMY GOODMAN: And that is single payer for
all, the government pays for the healthcare?
CHARLES IDELSON: It would be expanding
Medicare to cover
everyone. Ultimately, that is the—would bring us in line with
the rest
of the industrial world.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, Chuck Idelson, I want to thank you very much for being with us, communications director of the California Nurses Association. And also Hilda Sarkisyan, I want to thank you, as well, for joining us from Los Angeles. And again, condolences on your daughter, because I know it hurts you every day. Seventeen-year-old Nataline died after being denied a liver transplant—coverage for a liver transplant by her insurance company CIGNA. The reversal came down; within a few hours, Nataline had died. It was too late.