ABC News is coming under intense criticism for its handling of Wednesday night’s Democratic debate in Pennsylvania. During the first forty-five minutes of the debate, the moderators Charles Gibson and George Stephanopoulos focused on Obama’s comments that some voters in Pennsylvania were bitter, the Rev. Jeremiah Wright controversy, Clinton’s Bosnia “sniper fire” story, flag pins and the Weather Underground. We speak with Glenn Greenwald, author of Great American Hypocrites: Toppling the Big Myths of Republican Politics. [includes rush transcript]
Guest:
Glenn Greenwald, constitutional law attorney and political and legal blogger for Salon.com. He is the author of three books. His latest is Great American Hypocrites: Toppling the Big Myths of Republican Politics.
AMY GOODMAN: ABC News is coming under intense criticism for its handling of Wednesday night’s Democratic debate in Pennsylvania. It was the last before next week’s primary.
During
the first forty-five minutes of the debate, the moderators Charles
Gibson and George Stephanopoulos focused on Obama’s comments that some
voters in Pennsylvania were bitter, the Rev. Jeremiah Wright
controversy, Clinton’s Bosnia “sniper fire” story, a flag pin and the
Weather Underground. Here are some of the questions.
VOICEOVER: The candidates await. Charles Gibson and George Stephanopoulos.
CHARLES GIBSON: You got talking in California about
small-town Pennsylvanians who have had tough economic times in recent
years, and you said they get bitter, and they cling to guns or they
cling to their religion or they cling to antipathy toward people who
are not like them. Now, you’ve said you misspoke; you said you mangled
what it was you wanted to say. But we’ve talked to a lot of voters. Do
you understand that some people in this state find that patronizing and
think that you said actually what you meant?
GEORGE STEPHANOPOULOS: Well, let me pick up on this. When
these comments from Senator Obama broke on Friday, Senator McCain’s
campaign immediately said that it was going to be a killer issue in
November.
CHARLES GIBSON: Senator Obama, since you last debated, you made a significant speech in this building on the subject of race and your former pastor, the Reverend Jeremiah Wright.
Senator,
let me follow up, and let me add to that. You have said that he would
not have been my pastor, and you said that you have to speak out
against those kinds of remarks, and implicitly by getting up and
moving, and I presume you mean out of the church. Do you honestly
believe that 8,000 people should have gotten up and walked out of that
church?
GEORGE STEPHANOPOULOS: Senator, two questions. Number one, do you think Reverend Wright loves America as much as you do?
Senator Clinton, we also did a poll today, and there are also questions about you raised in this poll. About six in ten voters that we talked to don’t believe you’re honest and trustworthy. And we also asked a lot of Pennsylvania voters for questions they had. A lot of them raised this honesty issue and your comments about being under sniper fire in Bosnia.
And you yourself have said she
hasn’t been fully truthful about what she would do as president. Do you
believe that Senator Clinton has been fully truthful about her past?
CHARLES GIBSON: It’s a question raised by a voter in Latrobe, Pennsylvania, a woman by the name of Nash McCabe. Take a look.
NASH McCABE: Senator Obama, I have a question, and I want
to know if you believe in the American flag. I am not questioning your
patriotism, but all our servicemen, policemen and EMS wear the flag. I
want to know why you don’t.
GEORGE STEPHANOPOULOS: A follow-up on this issue, the
general theme of patriotism in your relationships. A gentleman named
William Ayers, he was part of the Weather Underground in the 1970s.
They bombed the Pentagon, the Capitol and other buildings. He’s never
apologized for that. And in fact, on 9/11 he was quoted in the New York Times
saying, “I don’t regret setting bombs; I feel we didn’t do enough.” An
early organizing meeting for your state senate campaign was held at his
house, and your campaign has said you are friendly. Can you explain
that relationship for the voters and explain to Democrats why it won’t
be a problem?
CHARLES GIBSON: The crowd is turning on me. The crowd is turning on me.
AMY GOODMAN: Just some of the questions in the first half of
last night’s presidential debate on ABC. The prime-time debate was seen
by 10.7 million people, according to Nielsen Media Research. That’s the
most of any debate this election cycle. According to the Associated
Press, nearly 17,000 comments were posted on ABC News’s website by
Thursday evening, the tone overwhelmingly negative.
Tom Shales of the Washington Post said Gibson and Stephanopoulos “turned in shoddy, despicable performances.” The media critic Greg Mitchell said it was “perhaps the most embarrassing performance by the media in a major presidential debate in years.” Salon.com said, “I’m not sure if we’ve seen anything quite as train-wreck, cover-your-eyes bad as the spectacle on ABC last night.” Will Bunch, a Philadelphia Daily News writer, posted an open letter to Gibson and Stephanopoulos on his blog telling them, “you disgraced the American voters, and in fact even disgraced democracy itself.” And the group MoveOn said it would air an ad protesting ABC if 100,000 people signed their petition.
Glenn Greenwald is a
former constitutional law attorney, now a contributing writer at
Salon.com. He is the author of a number of books. His latest is called Great American Hypocrites We welcome you to Democracy Now!, Glenn Greenwald.
GLENN GREENWALD: Great to be back. Thanks, Amy.
AMY GOODMAN: You’ve been blogging a great deal about this debate. Can you talk about what happened on Wednesday night in Pennsylvania?
GLENN GREENWALD: Well, in one sense, it was an extreme
and rather transparent act of journalistic malfeasance. I mean, that’s
just obvious. Take a look at just some of the stories that you reported
on in the prior segment, virtually all of which were completely absent
from the debate. Instead, the first half of the debate focused almost
exclusively on the type of petty, insipid personality-based attacks
that dominate our political discourse and determine our national
elections.
But in another sense, I think it’s important to note that this
debate is not in any way aberrational. I mean, in heaping all this
scorn on what George Stephanopoulos and Charlie Gibson have done, I
think it’s important to acknowledge the fact that really all they’re
doing is what is done continuously throughout our election cycles for
decades now. This was sort of a more transparent act, because all of
these vapid questions were bunched together at the beginning.
But it’s worth recalling that over the past couple of weeks, the
news cycle was dominated by the scandal that Barack Obama wants to be
president of the United States even though he doesn’t bowl very well,
which was followed by the comments that he made in San Francisco, what
Maureen Dowd in the New York Times called the capital of
elitism. And prior to that, there was the lapel pin controversy, the
never-ending fixation on Jeremiah Wright’s video, the comments made by
Barack Obama’s wife Michelle, all of this culminating in this theme
that Barack Obama is this exotic, bizarre elitist, out of touch with
mainstream American values, subversive, anti-American.
And these are the themes which over and over and over and over
again are used to demolish and destroy the character and personality of
Democrats and progressives, going all the way back to Jimmy Carter,
Walter Mondale, Michael Dukakis, and on and on, to the point where none
of the substantive issues and the weighty crises that our country faces
in every realm are really a part of our national elections. And I think
Charlie Gibson and George Stephanopoulos, though a bit more extreme and
really more transparent, I would say, in just how vapid they are, were
really doing what the establishment media does pretty much without
exception, in terms of how it covers our political culture.
AMY GOODMAN: George Stephanopoulos, the former Clinton
aide—President Clinton—said he had asked fair, tough questions, the
kind of questions that would be asked later. What is your response to
that, Glenn Greenwald?
GLENN GREENWALD: This is the justification that reporters
use repeatedly whenever they focus on insipid, substance-free stories.
They pretend that if it were strictly up to them, they of course would
focus on the serious substantive matters that the country faces,
because they’re politically sophisticated observers. The problem, they
say, is that Americans, the sort of heartland voter whom they
patronizingly look down upon is interested in these sort of
personality-based Drudge-like issues, and therefore they have no choice
but to report them, since these are the issues that are going to
predominate in our political process.
Now, leave aside the question as to whether or not journalists
holding themselves out as political journalists have an obligation to
focus on the more substantive matters, independent of what they can do
in order to generate as high ratings as possible, even if you assume
that political journalism ought to simply feed the public whatever the
public wants, there’s no evidence whatsoever to suggest that the
American public is more interested in Barack Obama’s bowling score or
whether he wears a lapel pin than they are in how our political leaders
are going to address the grave economic insecurity that the country
faces or extricate ourselves from the debacle in Iraq that’s becoming
increasingly savage and brutal without any end in sight. This is a
fiction, an invention on the part of political journalists to justify
their never-ending coverage of trash.
And in fact there’s much evidence to suggest—and you can ask any
political elected official—that when they go back to their district,
what they hear continuously are grave complaints from their
constituents and others about just how ridiculous and inane political
coverage is and how dominated it is by matters that have nothing to do
with their lives and with the problems that they face. And these
journalists believe that they’re sort of spokespeople for the people in
the heartland and speak for them and patronizingly say that they’re
interested in these insipid issues and that’s why they’re covered. The
reality is there’s no connection between the establishment journalistic
class and the people whom they claim to represent, and the reason they
cover those issues is because they, the journalists, want to cover
them, not because the people want to hear them.
AMY GOODMAN: Now, Stephanopoulos said overall the
questions were tough, fair, relevant and appropriate and rejected the
claim by Obama supporters that the debate had been stacked against him,
saying Hillary had faced sharp questioning, as well. Glenn Greenwald?
GLENN GREENWALD: Well, you can just simply look at the
way that the first fifty minutes of the debate evolved. It was true
that she was asked a question about her purported dishonesty and the
quote-unquote “scandal” of her claiming that she was under sniper fire
in Bosnia, and that was the type of question that Obama was subjected
to, as well.
But what you really see happening here is, throughout 2007, when
it looked as though Hillary was going to be the nominee, or at least
the media and the right wing assumed that that was the case, she was
the target, overwhelmingly, of these sorts of attacks. The media
discussed at length what they said was her artificial laugh, the sort
of cackle that kind of masked a soulless, satanic quest for power
underneath. They talked about whether she was showing cleavage. These
kinds of personality attacks were directed at her when it looked as
though she was the nominee.
Now that Obama looks to be the nominee—and the media and the
right assume that—he clearly is receiving the preponderance of these
attacks. And as I said, it’s always done in the same demonizing way to
suggest that he’s out of touch with mainstream America, even though he
grew up as—in a single home and his accomplishments are self-made, in
contrast to George Bush and John McCain, and that he obviously is
subversive and hates America and won’t defend it the way all
progressives won’t. And that’s the theme that clearly is being dumped
on him the way it always is whenever they identify who they think the
progressive leader is.
AMY GOODMAN: At one point in the debate, Senator Obama voiced his frustration with the questions by the ABC moderators.
SEN. BARACK OBAMA: I think what’s important is to make sure that we don’t get so obsessed with gaffes that we lose sight of the fact that this is a defining moment in our history. We are going to be tackling some of the biggest issues that any president has dealt with in the last forty years.
AMY GOODMAN: That was Senator Obama talking to the moderators. Glenn Greenwald?
GLENN GREENWALD: Yeah, I mean, he’s absolutely right
about that. I mean, what’s so ironic about this is that ABC
melodramatically touted this debate as one that would confront grave
constitutional questions. It was in the National Constitution Hall, and
that was how they touted it.
If you look at public opinion polls, the American public knows
that there’s something fundamentally wrong with our country. Eight out
of ten Americans think the country is dramatically off track. We have
one of the most radical and hated administrations in modern American
history, that has dismantled our constitutional framework, that has
brought us into extreme economic precariousness and disrepute around
the world. And yet, here are our leading journalists asking these type
of questions as though those are the things that Americans want to
hear.
And what happens is, whenever you point out that it is the media
that is rendering our political discourse so toxic in a way that really
disserves the American public, the way that Obama did, most journalists
will immediately start banding together and attacking whoever the
critic is who points out the media behavior. And so, you had all
journalists across the board—Roger Simon in The Politico, Marc Ambinder in The Atlantic, and especially David Brooks in the New York Times—essentially
attacking Obama for being too petulant or for being too soft and
incapable of withstanding the hardships of political battle, as though
there’s something adversarial and substantive about what it is that
they’re doing, rather than trashy and petty.
And again, you saw—there’s a column from David Brooks this
morning, who always thinks he’s the spokesman for heartland American
values, who says that the reason why things like John Kerry’s
windsurfing tights and John Edwards’s haircut and Barack Obama’s
bowling score are relevant is because that’s what the American people
care about. And Barack Obama, who’s spent the last fifteen months going
around the country and speaking to the American people, knows that
that’s not the case. Everyone knows that that’s not the case. But when
you point out the corruption of the journalist class, of course, you
then immediately become the target of attack by the pack mentality in
which journalists operate.
AMY GOODMAN: Glenn Greenwald, your new book has just come out this week, Great American Hypocrites: Toppling the Myths of Republican Politics. Can you talk about how the media portrays John McCain?
GLENN GREENWALD: Can you repeat that question? There was a problem with the audio, and I actually didn’t hear it.
AMY GOODMAN: Can you talk about how the media portrays John McCain?
GLENN GREENWALD: Well, there’s simply no political figure
in the last several decades—and this includes the canonized Ronald
Reagan, and it includes the swaggering war hero George Bush in 2003—who
is as revered and loved and really worshiped by the establishment media
the way that John McCain is. It simply is—there’s no parallel to it.
And oddly enough, a lot of the reporters who travel around with him are
so enamored of him that they actually acknowledge the deep affection
that they have for him, and they do so without shame, as though it’s
just natural that they would have such overwhelming affection for
someone like John McCain.
They actually, about a month ago, six weeks ago, spent a weekend
at his ranch in Arizona drinking wine, swinging on tires hanging from
his swing set. In 2004, many of the leading journalists in our country,
anchors on network news, correspondents on cable news networks, went to
various Manhattan restaurants traveling around with McCain, celebrating
his birthday, toasting him, singing songs to him.
And there are so many examples that demonstrate how this affects
the coverage. But the fact that his character is built up into this
honor-bound man of principle, this heroic, strong, protective figure,
is very consistent with how Republican and rightwing leaders are always
built up: first by the right wing, and then by the media. But it seeps
into coverage even more.
There was an example that was incredible. About three weeks ago,
John McCain was traveling around the Middle East with his top Middle
East adviser, Joe Lieberman. And on many occasions, four separate
occasions at least, John McCain said falsely that Iran was importing
al-Qaeda warriors into Iran, training them and then sending them back
into Iraq. That’s something that not even people like Bill Kristol
would claim to be the case. It’s clearly false. And he finally was
forced to retract it, when on the fourth occasion Joe Lieberman
whispered in his ear that it wasn’t true.
And yet, the media virtually ignored that story completely,
notwithstanding the fact that it means either that John McCain is
completely ignorant about the most basic facts of the Middle East, the
area that he claims to be his strong suit, or that he, more likely, is
engaging in the type of deceit that the Bush administration has engaged
in for the last eight years, where they link whoever the enemy is of
the week to al-Qaeda. They’re training al-Qaeda, they’re working with
al-Qaeda.
<p.And many journalists, numerous journalists, when asked why they
downplayed that story, said that because they know that John McCain is
an expert in foreign affairs and because they know that he’s honest, it
can’t possibly be the case that he was ignorant about what he was
talking about, nor can it be the case that he was actively deceiving or
intentionally misleading the public; it must have just been that it was
sort of a negligible disconnect, a misspeaking incident between his
brain and his mouth, and therefore it wasn’t newsworthy. So the fact
that they revere him personally and have an enormously high opinion of
his character and integrity means that they won’t see stories that
reflect negatively on him as newsworthy, because, by definition,
stories that reflect negatively on John McCain’s character or integrity
must not really be news. And that’s clearly how—what dictates the
coverage.
AMY GOODMAN: This was that clip. I believe John McCain
was in Jordan. He was standing with South Carolina Senator Lindsey
Graham, who had also gone on that trip, as well as Joseph Lieberman,
who has been traveling with him in the United States and was also with
him on the Middle East trip. This is what John McCain had to say.
SEN. JOHN McCAIN: Well, it’s common knowledge and has been reported in the media that al-Qaeda is going back into Iran and receiving training and are coming back into Iraq from Iran. That’s well known. And it’s unfortunate. So I believe that we are succeeding in Iraq. The situation is dramatically improved. But I also want to emphasize time and again al-Qaeda is on the run, but they are not defeated.
SEN. JOSEPH LIEBERMAN: [whispering] You said that the Iranians were training al-Qaeda. I think you meant they’re training in extremist terrorism.
SEN. JOHN McCAIN: I’m sorry, the Iranians are training extremists, not al-Qaeda, not al-Qaeda. I’m sorry.
AMY GOODMAN: And for our radio listeners, that was Joseph Lieberman whispering in his ear and then John McCain correcting himself.
Glenn Greenwald, you write about the Limbaugh-Kristol-Fox News
rightwing faction that controls the political party, the Republican
Party. What about the media?
GLENN GREENWALD: Well, I mean, you know, media critics
can describe how the media functions and point to all sorts of data and
stories and narratives that we’ve been discussing today, but
ultimately, often the most conclusive evidence of what the media is and
how they function come from journalists themselves, when they
unintentionally reveal how it is that their profession operates.
And to me, one of the most extraordinary and revealing statements came from a book called How to Win by two of the most establishment journalists in America, Mark Halperin, formerly of ABC News and now of Time magazine, and John Harris, who was the national political director of the Washington Post and is now with The Politico.
And they famously wrote a chapter entitled—that examined the role that
Matt Drudge plays in how our political coverage is shaped.
And what they said was that Matt Drudge is the Walter Cronkite
of our era, that there’s no single individual who shapes media coverage
and especially election coverage more than he does. And their motto was
“Drudge rules our world,” that media executives and producers and
editors in the establishment press across the board obsessively check
Drudge, because whatever stories he has are the narratives that will
end up being predominating in the media. And the fact that, you know,
Matt Drudge,—
AMY GOODMAN: Explain who Drudge is, Glenn.
GLENN GREENWALD: —who in the 1990s was considered such a
lowlife gossip that no establishment media outlet would even mention
him or report on what he said, had not more than ten years later become
the single most influential figure in our political process tells you
much, if not almost everything, of what we need to know about how our
political press functions. I mean, he’s not just a gossip monger,
although he is, and one completely unbound by considerations of truth
and fact, although he is that, too, he’s a distinctly rightwing
polemicist with a rightwing agenda.
And so, the idea that our establishment press—and since Halperin
and Harris said it, many, many other establishment journalists and news
executives have said the same thing—the fact that our press is sort of
guided by a rightwing gossip monger tells you all you need to know
about the content of our establishment press, the liberal media. And
one need only look to the journalists themselves to describe how it is
that they function, and one can see that that’s the case.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, I want to thank you, Glenn Greenwald, for joining us. Glenn’s new book is called Great American Hypocrites: Toppling the Big Myths of Republican Politics.